After winning the 1968 presidential election, Richard Nixon became president of the United Emirates in January 1969. He replaced U.S. Ambassador Harriman with Henry Cabot Lodge Jr, who was later replaced by David Bruce. Again this year, the NLF established a revolutionary interim government (PRG) to obtain government status in the talks. However, the main negotiations that led to the agreement did not take place at all at the peace conference, but took place in secret negotiations between Kissinger and Léc Thé, which began on 4 August 1969. On the last night in Hoa Lo, Vietnamese guards gave their clothes to American prisoners. The cafe recalled that his comrades-in-arms looked at the clothes "like a bunch of young children in a toy store." They played with zippers on their jackets and laces laced and un laced that "we had not seen . . . For years. The men were given small black bags to carry what they had -- cigarettes, toiletries and gifts they had received. Some walk around in a memory of captivity. For Alvarez, it was a box he had used "so long that it had taken the sentimental value of a babytasse." In the hours and days leading up to their release, the prisoners imagined their future lives.
Alvarez dreamed of a "return to a normal life" where "we would make our own decisions and set our own agendas." Waiting for daily activities -- getting in a car and off a highway or riding in a haystack -- filled it with "sparkling anticipation." I would get up whenever I wanted, make my own selection of clothes, eat whatever I wanted, and go wherever I wanted. At the time of the peace agreement, the United States agreed to replace the equipment in succession. But the United States has not given its word. Is the word of an American reliable these days? The United States has not kept its promise to help us fight for freedom, and in the same struggle the United States has lost 50,000 of its young men.  What is even more unusual is that the treaty provides for the creation by the four signatories of a four-party joint military commission to implement and monitor compliance with the provisions relating to the withdrawal, ceasefire, dismantling of bases, return of prisoners of war and exchange of information on missing persons. An International Monitoring and Surveillance Commission (ICCS), consisting of Canada, Hungary, Indonesia and Poland, would monitor the agreement and report violations. In No Peace, No Honor (2001), Larry Berman used recently declassified recordings to show that Nixon had little confidence in the Paris agreement and expected the agreement to be violated, triggering a brutal military response. Permanent war (air warfare, not ground operations) at an acceptable political cost was what Nixon expected from the signed agreement.
President Thieu has been repeatedly assured that the B52 would be tantamount to punishing Hanoi if the Communists violated the agreement, but the Watergate scandal prevented such reprisals. Nixon had obtained Thieus` respect for the agreement through a series of letters and envoys that all promised U.S. military support in the event of a North Vietnamese violation of the agreements. For example, on November 14, 1972, Nixon Thieu wrote, "I reiterate my personal assurance that the United States will respond very quickly and quickly to any violation of the agreement." Both sides saw this as the B-52`s new commitment to fight.